**#BEIIE 



BE WEBT? 



HOW DID WE GET HERE? AND THE 

WAY OUT, 



AN OUTLINE OF THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF AMERICAN 
MORAL AND ENLIGHTENED CIVILIZATION. 



FOUNDED ON 



THE NATURAL DISTINCTIONS OF RAGE, 



—AND— 

THE METHODS EMPLOYED BY FOREIGN INFLUENCE TO DE- 
STROY IT, AND COMPEL A RETURN TO EUROPEAN 
ARBITRARY RULE BY THE ARTIFICIAL DISTINC- 
TIONS OF PRIVILEGED CLASS. 



New York. 

By Anti-Tory, 

35 Fulton Street. 

1902. 




JPrice, 20 Oeitts, 




Glass. 
Book 



I? 17? 



• A4-2. 






WHERE ARE WE AT? 



HOW DID WE GET HERE? AND THE 

WAY OUT, 









AN OUTLINE OF THE tfTSE AND PROGRESS OF AMERICAN 
MORAL AND ENLIGHTENED CIVILIZATION. 



FOUNDED ON 

THE NATURAL DISTINCTIONS OF RACE, 

— AND — 

THE METHODS EMPLOYED BY FOREIGN INFLUENCE TO DE- 
STROY IT, AND COMPEL A RETURN TO EUROPEAN 
ARBITRARY RULE BY THE ARTIFICIAL DISTINC- 
TIONS OF PRIVILEGED CLASS. 









New York. 

By Anti-Tory, 

35 Fulton Street. 

1902. 



THE L»B*A*Y $f 

$ur«ct*fct>d, 

Two Oo**» MfcctvG* 

APR. 2» 1902 

Copvhmht WHfm 



CLAM* 






Copyright, 1902, 

BV 

A. M. Allen. 



y#// rights reserved. 



h A 



^ 



" III fares the land, to hastening ills a prey y 
Where wealth accumulates and men decay" 



CITIZENS OF THE UNITED STATES WHO MAY THINK MORE OF LIBERTY 
THAN MONEY AND RESPECT THE MEMORY OF WASHINGTON AND 
JEFFERSON AND THEIR WARNINGS OF POSSIBLE DISASTER, AND 
WILL WORK TO COUNTERACT THE INSIDIOUS WILES OF 
FOREIGN INFLUENCE, FORESEEN BY WASHINGTON IN 
HIS FAREWELL ADDRESS, BY EDUCATING THE PUB- 
LIC TO MAKE THAT ADDRESS THEIR CONSTANT 
STUDY AND POLITICAL GUIDE. 



WHERE ARE WE AT? 

SINCE the world began most men's lives have been 
pilgrimages, in the endeavor to find out who has 
taken from them, their share of this world's goods, and 
to draw the line between natural rights, and special 
privileges. 

The privileged classes have always concealed their 
purposes, and used every means to keep the public ig- 
norant of their designs. 

Special privileges are the means, by which despots 
rule their subjects, and names are nothing. 

Kings, Emperors, Presidents, Councils or Republics 
are all the same, if a certain amount of privilege is 
secured by any class, to the injury of the public. 

The power of custom is such, that after a certain time, 
these privileges appear as natural, and the public con- 
sider any attack on them, or even criticism, as radical 
and dangerous to their own welfare. 

In this country, just now, progress is the cry of the 
times, but in which direction is not clear, only that we 
move so fast, that yesterday seems a back number. 

If this progress is real, mankind at large should bene- 
fit thereby, but if false, some warning should be given, 
before it is too late, for if we are on the wrong road, we 
cannot find it out too soon. 

The close of the last century of specially vaunted 
progress, leaves so many and such intricate social prob- 

(5) 



6 WHERE ARE WE AT? 

lems, demanding immediate attention, that the follow- 
ing existing conditions are very discouraging, and need 
close examination, with prompt and radical action. 

FIRST. 

Polygamy and negro slavery were denounced before 
the war, as twin relics of barbarism, but polygamy not 
only survives, but is making many converts. 

SECOND. 

Divorces which were few, forty years ago, are now so 
frequent as to call for church protest. 

THIRD. 

The race problem, after forty years of negro freedom, 
seems more complex than ever, the Chinese yellow peril 
is imminent, and the Indian as unchangeable as ever. 

FOURTH. 

The private ownership of land was an old world 
privilege and tyranny, which works the same harm here, 
by cycles of speculation and panic. The laud owners, 
the real slave oligarchy of the earth, collect their tax 
without risk, and all their titles rest on force and fraud. 

FIFTH. 

Taxation, made unequal by unjust assessments, allows 
many to avoid their share of government support, which 
others must bear, if any assessments are too low. 

SIXTH. 

The National State, County and Town debts, are 
such, that the country is bankrupt, and lives on credit 
only ; and the money lenders compel the business classes 
to vote as they dictate. In spite of this insolvent condi- 
tion the country is called prosperous, because the privi- 
leged classes, are still able to absorb the earnings of 
others, and put off settling day. 



WHERE ARE WE AT? 7 

The bondholder is not the savior of the national honor, 
but a leech ; promoters are pickpockets, and syndicates 
and trusts are vampires. 

The nineteenth century shows an increase of the 
world's debt, from three billion dollars in 1800, to thirty- 
one billions in 1900, all on faith. 

What will it be in 2000, and who will pay it, or even 
the interest ? 

The pursuit of money as an exciting national sport 
for Americans, seems to have grown into a solemn 
national worship), as in England, and no attention is 
paid 'to anything which interferes with or opposes it. 

Young men are now preferred by employers in busi- 
ness, because they cannot criticize their superior's 
methods. 

SEVENTH. 

Trade and Finance. By tariffs and bond issues, two 
privileged classes have been created, and mammoth 
private fortunes accumulated from the earnings of others, 
while bonded debt increases, and other nations get our 
goods cheaper than we can. 

EIGHTH. 

The money lenders, while contributing nothing to 
the national welfare, but periodically influencing legis- 
lation, have destroyed half of our primary money, by 
secretly demonetizing silver, and now endeavor to sub- 
stitute bank notes for government notes, as currency, 
although both acts are in violation of the constitution, 
and it is well known, that banks of issue are more 
injury to the country than standing armies. 

This was accomplished by such deception, bulldozing 
and hypnotism, that many prominent men of both par- 
ties who opposed them till voted down, have since sub- 
mitted and follow their lead. 



8 , WHERE ARE WE AT? 

The money lenders never argue, or notice opposition, 
except to denounce it as anarchistic, and traitorous, 
when it interferes with their plans of robbery. 

NINTH. 

In 1896 they got complete control of the Republican 
machine, while men of principle, who cared for law and 
justice, threw out the money lovers, or Gold Democrats 
in the Democratic machine, and redeclared the Declara- 
tion of Independence. 

But the power of money, bulldozing, hypnotism, and 
a venal press, has as yet been too strong for the men of 
principle, and until liquidation, or some national calam- 
ity traceable to the money lenders occurs, we shall 
probably continue the downward path to repudiation, 
although the world's present excessive production of 
gold may delay our arrival. 

TENTH. 

Railroads. By their monopoly of the track, and so- 
called absolute ownership, they discriminate rates, con- 
trol business and corrupt legislation, and by stock 
watering, and alternately inflating, and reducing values, 
bleed the public. The Standard Oil Company being 
the greatest example of this acquisition of public prop- 
erty without return. 

ELEVENTH. 

Franchises of many public utilities, as Transportation, 
Light, Water and Heat are privately owned and operated, 
to the great detriment of the public. 

The Post Office is a great example of successful public 
ownership, and operation of public utilities. The Tele- 
graph and Telephone being in private hands, monopolize 
news and destroy the freedom of the press, on which the 
nation depends for information and progress. 



WHERE ARE WE AT? 9 

TWELFTH. 

Education. The privileged classes thus created, have 
combined to compel colleges, to teach the rising genera- 
tion to worship them, and their evil methods. They 
donate money, and mark out the course professors must 
take. 

THIRTEENTH. 

Pensions. Which should have begun to decrease in 
1880, from natural death rates, when thirty millions was 
the annual expense, have, by corrupt legislation, been 
increased to one hundred and forty-five millions per year 
in 1901, this difference being robbery of the people. 
The German War in 1870 had as many soldiers as we, 
but they have only forty thousand on their pension rolls, 
while we have one million. 

FOURTEENTH. 

Elections. Our universal suffrage system never ex- 
pected the strain of such gigantic corruption and hyp- 
notism, and if it survives, it will be due to the virtue 
and vigilance of those citizens who do not worship 
money. 

FIFTEENTH. 

Within five years this Tory influence has been able to 
so far set aside American precedents, as to embark in a 
Colonial craze, called Imperialism, with the expectation, 
that, if the American people do not object too much, the 
way will be open for a large standing army, and ulti- 
mately a return to monarchy. 



If the brakes are not put on soon, the crash must 
come, and will, when the debt gets beyond the interest 
paying power. 



IO WHERE ARE WE AT? 

As it may be of interest to know how we got into this 
condition, in spite of our glorious progress, an endeavor 
is here made, to trace back to the remote and real causes 
which led up to this condition, and in so doing to avoid 
all appeal to passion or prejudice, and confine this out- 
line to cold facts, and undoubted evidence, the main 
research being, as to how the American people, could 
have so completely forgotten Washington's warning 
against the insidious wiles of foreign influence, and 
Jefferson's warnings, that jealousy is the parent of 
liberty, and that Banks and paper money, by breaking 
up the measure of value, make a lottery of all private 
property, raise up a moneyed aristocracy, and abandon 
the public to the discretion of avarice and swindlers. 
The latest item of foreign influence is the will of Cecil 
Rhodes, to bribe American boys by a free education at 
Oxford, to be trained into English Tory ideas and 
methods, and with it comes news of later and worse 
British atrocities in South Africa as a warning of such 
education. 



HOW DID WE GET HERE? 

OUR civil war ended thirty-five years ago. To-day 
it should be possible to examine our condition 
and its remote and real causes without prejudice, and 
with an earnest desire to follow the truth wherever it 
leads, or what idols it may shatter in the public senti- 
ment, as now crystallized by war success, when we will 
find England's ruling class, was the intentional cause of 
most of our trouble. 

To do this we must begin with the settlement of the 
country by Europeans, and follow up to date, the 
crooked and hypnotic path of the insidious wiles of for- 
eign influence, which Washington warned us against, 
and Jefferson wished a sea of fire between the old and 
new worlds, to protect us from. 

This country was settled by Europeans fleeing from 
bad governments. Their condition here, with all its 
hardships was a great improvement. 

Negroes were imported as slaves as a labor experiment. 

After two hundred years, Colonial rule became so 
oppressive, that these Europeans cast it off declaring 
themselves free and independent, July 4, 1776, since he 
who would be free, himself must strike the blow. 

Negroes or Indians had no part in this resistance, the 
Europeans never thought of such a thing. Their decla- 
ration was made by white men only, against other white 

men, who oppressed them beyond endurance. 

(11) 



12 WHERE ARE WE AT? 

Throughout all this the negroes were good servants, 
and well treated, while the Indians were often hired by 
the English to fight the Colonists. 

The most important factor in this result, and the dis- 
tinctive feature between European and American Civili- 
zation, was the training of these white men by the 
responsibility and care of the inferior race, which de- 
veloped their manhood more than any other cause 
yet known, and also improved the negroes beyond 
any condition possible to them, under their own con- 
trol. 

This training of the white men made them what the 
British Tories called * ' The loudest shriekers for free- 
dom, n which of course was true, as they had such a 
wide view and complete experience on the subject. 

At the close of the Revolution this condition ex- 
isted. One set of white men had successfully resisted 
other white men's efforts to take their liberty from them, 
and they alone without any other race, established this 
government in 1783, which being made by white men 
for the benefit of themselves, and their posterity forever, 
was clearly a defacto white man's government, and 
although some of these white men may have thought 
the negro would develop hereafter some ability for self 
government, they shut him out entirely at that time, 
because no inferior race, and but a small part of the 
white race had yet shown a capacity in that line. 

From then to i860 one long grand career of moral, 
mental and material development followed, such as the 
world never saw before, and the negro was both civilized 
and Christianized, by his subordinate association with 
his white master, who was the only real friend he ever 
had, and, as from this condition arose the most complete 
and permanent form of home life yet known, the theory 
that all men were created free and equal, could only 
apply to each race among themselves, and any attempt 



HOW DID WE GET HERE? 13 

to treat different races as equal would be unnatural and 
absurd. 

An inferior race living under control of, and in con- 
tented association with a superior race, could not be 
considered as slaves, in the usual meaning of the word, 
which refers to oppression and bondage of men, by 
others of the same race, but may be called subgens, and 
their relation to their masters, subgenation, which 
means born under, or inferior to the master race. 

The British Tories, who never got over their defeat, 
found out, that the white men and negroes as master 
and slave, as a form of society, produced white men 
better versed in the science of government, and negroes 
better, and more contented laborers, than heretofore, so 
that jails and poor houses were seldom needed. 

They have since persistently worked to destroy this 
complete form of American society and government. 

They saw that if the Declaration of Independence 
could be made to include the lower races, and not kept 
for those white men who made the government, then 
Democracy would of course fall to pieces, as none of the 
lower races have ever established any self government. 

Therefore since 1832, by constant agitation and mis- 
representation, this foreign influence against natural 
racial distinctions grew (like the old witch-burning ex- 
citement in New England) and became the great Anti- 
Slavery delusion of the age, eventually coming into 
power under Lincoln. 

It swept the country because there was no organized 
opposition or answer to their assertions, especially from 
the South, who if they had done their part in the dis- 
cussion, would have shown the absurdity of the delusion, 
and prevented our Civil War. 

In all this time there was no organized opposition to 
the idea, that all men of all races were included in the 
Declaration of Independence, although none but white 



14 WHERE ARE WE AT? 

men, and few of them, ever maintained self government 
or knew the value of liberty. 

The Anti-Slavery delusion was based on the one race 
theory, that all men were children of Adam. To-day 
Science and Religion agree, that Adam was a myth or 
allegory, and the creation of man is still unknown. 

Therefore the natural distinctions of race as shown by 
present scientific observation and authentic history, are 
our only guides in treating this subject. 

The only approach before the war to a discussion or 
examination of this subject, was by Professor Agassiz in 
1850, at the Charleston convention of the Scientific 
Association, who said that Natural History and Anatomy 
clearly showed, that the Negro could not possibly be 
descended from the same stock as the Caucasian, and 
though undoubtedly a man, could not be a brother. 

In August 1901, the same Association met at Denver, 
Colorado, and Professor McGee, a prominent ethnologist, 
declared Adam and Eve to be mythical, and that Ne- 
groes, Mongols, Malays and Caucasians, could not have 
been descended from the same pair, but there must have 
been several couples, and the majority agreed with him. 

If this is the case, Negroes, Indians and other races 
ought to be considered with regard to their specific 
differences, and treated accordingly, and never should 
those who were created unequal, be treated as equal. 

In 1863 the acme of English Tory hypnotic influence, 
compelled the Emancipation Proclamation, which was 
the greatest crime in history since the Crucifixion, our 
distinctly American Civilization ceased, and we began 
tc gravitate back to European Civilization. 

After which the Tories hoped that our country would 
become like Mexico or South America, and cease to be 
an object of fear and reproach to their form of society, 
and civilization. 

But the inertia of two centuries of our civilization, 



HOW DID WE GET HERE? 15 

could not be overcome without long experience in the 
new conditions, and forty years of negro freedom and 
efforts to train them to be white men have failed, the 
most educated negroes being the worst. He is now 
steadily retrograding, the proximity and indirect influ- 
ence of the white man being the only thing which keeps 
him from relapsing into his original African barbarism. 

Mulattoism has no part in this question, but is an evil 
by itself, but Hayti, Jamaica, and Liberia all show the 
same retrograde, in proportion to the lack of white 
control. 

The English Tories are thorough Bourbons, like all 
privileged classes, and having done what they could in 
the race question, and so completely hypnotized the 
world, that seldom is any one found, who even thinks 
differently from them on this subject, and being satis- 
fied that they have practically abolished black slavery, 
where some responsibility rests on the master, they and 
their American catspaws in Wall Street, now organize 
their methods to bring their own race into complete 
slavery, and in such a way, as to avoid all responsibility 
themselves, and make their fellow-men and brothers 
work for them without return. 

They do this by controlling finance, and through the 
financial privileged classes, commerce, manufactures and 
agriculture are at their mercy. 

They confuse the public by raising false issues to hide 
their trail. They make new schemes for plunder faster 
than the old ones are detected, and while enlisting pub- 
lic sympathy for imaginary issues, bleed them forever- 
more. 

If they succeed in these schemes, white slavery will 
be complete, and all outside of the privileged few will be 
the helpless lower class, who must obey, and live only 
by permission of the few, since the borrower is always 
servant to the lender. 



l6 WHERE ARE WE AT? 

Debt is one form of hell. National debts are national 
curses, They are the main prop of all despotic govern- 
ments, and gangrene in all republics. 

Ancient despots confiscated the living. Modern fin- 
anciers delude the living, and rob future generations. 

If the public had to pay as they went, for their 
government and improvements, they would see to it, 
that it was good ; but by borrowing for their descend- 
ants to pay, they do not feel the bad government, the 
money lending privileged class grows, dictates their own 
terms, and soon the interest is all the public can pay, the 
non-producers increase, and when the producers load is 
unbearable, and the borrowing limit reached, revolution 
and repudiation will come together. 

All borrowing is inflation and a public injury. 

At present the business men of New York City are 
borrowing nine hundred millions from the banks alone. 

The money lending class lives on the public by lend- 
ing them money, and bonding or making slaves of them 
for the payment. The idea of public improvement, and 
keeping up with the times is the usual inducement, and 
the contractors are in with them, so that the work is 
poor, and the price high. 

As they now have power to make good or bad times as 
they choose, they are careful to have good times while 
they control, by putting off settling day ; but if they 
should be voted out of power, they would make hard 
times by financial managing, and accuse the opposition 
as the cause. 

What is a Tory or Plutocrat ? One who believes in 
the artificial distinctions of class, and therefore denies 
the natural distinctions of race, and ignores all evidence 
in the matter. 

In the Old World, Empires, Monarchies and Nobili- 
ties are the most prominent examples of class distinction. 
They want slaves of their own race, who cost them 



HOW DID WE GET HERE? 17 

nothing, but support them in idleness, and they object 
to negro slavery on pretended sentimental grounds, but 
really because of the responsibility. 

Their subjects of the same race are in a condition of 
slavery more or less deplorable, and anything which 
makes the subjects think they are equal to the ruling 
class, is hateful and dangerous. 

Therefore, while keeping down these subjects, by force 
and bad law, they talk about freedom for the lower races 
to distract public attention and organize crusades for such 
purposes. 

The English Aristocracy, the remnant of that paternal- 
ism of the middle ages, (which suffocated free thought), 
although to-day such a hot bed of vice as the French 
nobility were before their revolution, and although ex- 
isting only for their own amusement at the expense of 
others, yet assume to set bounds for inquiry, object to 
any search or criticism of their antecedents, or hypnotic 
methods, and by rigid censorship of Press, School and 
Fiction, and ignoring any opposition, keep their English 
white slaves in subjection. Primogeniture maintains 
them, and accounts for their characteristic insolence and 
brutality. They have mental, without moral progress, 
and the most intellectual minds of the world have been 
under Tory control. 

The Abolitionist, Black Republican, War Democrat, 
and Gold Democrat were their catspaws, and fictions like 
Uncle Tovi Y s Cabin, and the Crisis , periodically appear 
to keep the public excited, and prevent thought 011 the 
fact that forty years of negro freedom is a complete failure. 
Human ownership as to negro slaves is repugnant to 
Tory moral sentiment, but they have no aversion to 
many kinds of white slavery, as Nobles and Commons, 
Kings and Subjects, Lenders and Borrowers, or Banks 
and Merchants. 

Having failed to conquer the slaveholders in 1783, 



18 WHERE ARE WE AT? 

they were very careful afterward, to give their other 
white colonies enough home rule to disarm opposition, 
although they treated Indian natives worse than they 
accused the planters of treating the negroes. 

In 1783 the successful colonists were called Whigs, and 
those of English sympathy, Tories. As public sentiment 
was very strong against these last, they periodically 
changed their names and issues to deceive the public. 

In 1800 they were Federals, and later, Whigs, Black 
Republicans, Republicans, War Democrats and Gold 
Democrats, in all cases working for strong government, 
class distinctions, and special privileges, to maintain 
white slavery, while they adopted as far as possible, the 
name of the opposition, to further deceive the public, and 
denied all natural distinctions of race. 

To-day they call themselves Republican, but all the 
leaders are really Plutocrats only, the last vestige of 
republican principle having been abandoned, and their 
pursuit of wealth advanced to the position of a National 
Worship. 

These insidious wiles of foreign influence, that Wash- 
ington warned us against in his Farewell Address, as our 
most serious danger, have now been so long at work, that 
we are all hypnotized, few think of it at all, and we are 
almost an English Colony without any expense to them. 

Under this influence, the worship of mammon (which 
was always the ruling love of the Tories) has increased 
so that we seem likely to outdo them. This same wor- 
ship so degrades the public mind, that there is no sym- 
pathy for white men fighting against invaders, although 
the negro slave trade constantly enlists all their feelings 
and actions, and while denouncing that, they have no 
notice for Armenian slaughters, or Cuban reconcentrados, 
and justify a cruder war against the white Boers in South 
Africa. 

Turkey, Spain, and England, appear to be three of a 



HOW DID WE GET HERE? 19 

kind, and as England has more intellectual development, 
there is less excuse for her, and the vacant place which 
Spain occupied in Inquisition times, will now be filled 
by England's Tory ruling class, with up to date methods. 

The money lending class, flushed by recent successes 
at elections, have usurped the government function of 
money issue, and being unchecked, here or in Europe, 
are preparing to make the whole world obey their man- 
dates. 

The time must come for settling debt, or at least pro- 
viding securely therefor. Already the British Tories 
have found their cruel war on the Boers, has brought 
England to the verge of ruin, and no end in sight. 
With the taxing of the British public, the reaction will 
appear, and the same love of money which prompted the 
war, will make them object to pay for it. The question 
of who will pay may eventually break up the Aristocracy 
and Monarchy, with scenes like the French Revolution, 
which would be a blessing to the world, and allow real 
progress to resume its lost sway, at which all Americans 
would rejoice. 

The world has always been ruled by privileged classes, 
which are the barnacles on the ship of state, living on 
the earnings of others, changing their names when neces- 
sary, and ready to use any means to maintain their privi- 
lege of getting something for nothing. They prefer to 
be in the back ground and avoid responsibility, while 
they have all the power, which state of affairs may be 
called indirect government. They are public enemies, 
develop the sciences of hypnotism, and pocket-picking, 
and deny all real issues, to deceive the public. 

In monarchies they use confiscation, here unequal taxa- 
tion, such as tariffs, railroad track monopoly, rate dis- 
crimination, stock watering, and unjust assessments. 

Their fortunes are the bread taken from the mouth of 
labor by bad laws, and the actions of the commercial 



20 WHERE ARE WE AT? 

class justify Bacon's opinion, that the merchant should 
have no vote. 

Such classes are opposed to Democracy and Republics, 
and constitute indirect, intangible and irresponsible 
government. 

This is why it is such a struggle to get a living, for 
they take our share of this world's good things. 

In all ages, Kings and subjects, Masters and slaves, 
have included the whole human race. 

In old times it was force and fraud, now it is hypno- 
tism and finance. 

Within two hundred years it has been discovered, that 
the simplest way to make slaves of men, is to lend them 
money, since borrowers are always willing servants to 
lenders, who then become the most privileged class, hav- 
ing all the power, and no responsibility. 

This present ruling class is the creditor class or 
Plutocrats. All others are their puppets. They control 
Presidents, Legislators, Judges, Education, Information, 
and Invention. 

This indirect government is the most despotic of all, 
and needs more jealous watching than monarchies. 
Respectable mammon in all countries is their easy prey, 
and the power of custom and public lack of interest, to 
find out the cause of hard times, is their chief bulwark. 
Until the public get on to their trail in earnest, they will 
continue to control. 

The debt of the world by their methods has advanced 
from two and a half billions in 1793, to thirty-one and a 
half billions in 1901, all on faith alone. This principal 
is not expected to be paid, but the holders constitute a 
privileged class whom others must support. 

Other privileged classes also exist as Land owners. 
Tariff beneficiaries and Railroad Companies, each with 
their own methods to rob the public, and claim eminence 
as g;ood and successful business men, while bribing, 



HOW DID WE GET HERE? 21 

where possible, all colleges to train the younger genera- 
tion to worship them. 

They measure the country's prosperity by their own 
material success, and not by the percentage of Tramps, 
Debt, Idleness, Crime, Poverty and Divorce to the popu- 
lation and ignore the fact that money is the blood of 
commerce and like muck is of no benefit unless well dis- 
tributed. 

All land titles trace back to force or fraud. Tariffs 
simply rob consumers, and Railroad Companies by 
monopoly of track, and discriminating rates, destroy 
what business they choose. 

The cure for all this is, as Pope says "The proper 
study of mankind is man," and not money, land, or 
commerce, except indirectly, as it affects him mentally 
or morally. 

The best education for this, is to study both sides of 
all questions, with constant intellectual agitation and no 
personalities or censorship of debate, which may expose 
the weakness of existing theories. 

The practical cure for the money lender, is to abolish 
all laws for the collection of debt, and thereby destroy all 
wealth of obligation, then this class will have to put 
their money into business. Wars, except for defense, 
will cease, and failures, panics, and dead beats, will be 
no more. 

By tax laws which prevent tax dodging, National and 
other debts, may be gradually paid off, and no new ones 
incurred. 

Mammon's worship requires national and other debts. 
Cash men do not bow down to mammon, but use money 
for honest business without forcing trade. 

The Dutch are devoted to trade, and the English to 
mammon, whose worship has shown them to be the most 
cowardly, heartless, and inhuman monstrosities that 
modern civilization has produced, and a warning of the 



22 WHERE ARE WE AT? 

iesult of intellectual development, without moral prog- 
ress, while the Boers are to-day the most moral, and men- 
tally progressive people on the earth. 

This mammon worship is also the cause of England's 
oppression of Ireland, where no home rule is allowed to 
men naturally better fitted for self government than 
Englishmen. 

What is good government ? 

Equal rights for all of the same race, and special 
privileges for none. 

What is a Democrat ? 

One who understands the natural distinctions of race, 
and therefor abhors all artificial distinctions of class, and 
believes : 

That all of the same race were created equal, and 
should have equal rights without any special privilege. 

That the words " race " and " nation " should not be 
confused, a nation being a sub-division of a race, as all 
European nations are parts of the Caucasian race. 

That men created unequal, should never be made equal 
by law, but each race should be treated according to its 
natural specific character. 

That jealousy is the parent of liberty, and confidence 
the parent of despotism, or so-called strong government. 
That true progress is vigilant action in the repeal of all 
laws maintaining privileged classes, and in the detection 
and punishment of the thieves of the public's earnings. 

That the true index of good times, or prosperity, is 
the small percentage of Crime, Idleness, Poverty, Debt 
Divorce and Business Failures. 

That power and responsibility should never be sepa- 
rated. 

That strong government means a weak people. 

In such home rule that the ward, city, state, and na- 
tional officials, each have their distinct sphere, and no 
power, or interest, in anything outside of their special 



HOW DID WE GET HERE? 23 

function, thereby providing the best form of government, 
because governing least. 

That the National government should do nothing 
which the state can do for itself, the state do nothing 
which the town can do for itself, the town do nothing 
which the ward can do for itself, and the ward do nothing 
which the man can do for himself ; thereby making com- 
plete home rule. 

That all incomes from land values, and franchises for 
public utilities, as Water, Light, Heat, Power, Trans- 
portation, and Communication, are the earnings of the 
community, being produced by the density of population, 
and are ample for all current expenses of government, 
education, and public improvements. 

Then taxation would cease, for the individual, the 
municipality, the state, and the nation, would each re- 
ceive and enjoy all their earnings, and no privileged 
class would exist. 



THE WAY OUT. 

AS the race problem is more complex than ever, and 
conjectural theory has failed, we should return to 
conservative inductive methods, verified information, 
first, and theories therefrom, and under the present con- 
ditions, the restoration of our white man's government 
of 1783-1860, will require the following changes, and 
others as a consequence of these. 

FIRST. 

Banish all polygamists on conviction. 

SECOND. 

Recommend each state to abolish divorces as the kev- 
stone of family security and national progress, and 
localize gambling and the social evil. 

THIRD. 

Teach the public to hate Tories, or real slaveholders, 
so that they will understand the natural distinctions of 
race, and the artificial distinction of class, by publishing 
the whole story of the evils of foreign influence, and 
study the race question scientifically without prejudice. 

Take no official notice whatever of English coronation. 
Boycott all English Tory literature, until the English 
have evacuated South Africa, thrown off their monarchy 
as France did, repealed the laws of primogeniture, and 
acquired self-government. 

Change all English Tory names of places here to local 

(24) 



THE WAY OUT. 



25 



Indian ones, as New York to Ontario and Manhattan 
or New Amsterdam, Albany to Schoharie, New Jersey 
to Raritan, and New England to Northeast. 

Repeal all Tory amendments to the constitution. 

Revoke the Emancipation Proclamation and declare 
Lincoln's birthday no longer a holiday. 

Let each state take charge of all negroes therein, as 
far as possible restore them to their masters, and let out 
the others to new owners, till all are provided for ; then 
the servant girl question will be settled, and the poor 
negroes will have homes and peace. 

Preserve Caucasian race purity, by making strict pro- 
hibitive laws, against all race mixtures. Exclude all 
Chinese, Malays and other different races ; and keep the 
Indians by themselves. 

Take Pacific states evidence as to the Chinese. South- 
ern evidence as to the Negro, and Western evidence as 
to the Indian, as conclusive. 

Reopen the slave trade for subgens with humanitarian 
safeguards. 

No miseducation of one race for the duties of another, 
but evolute the best traits of each in their proper sphere. 

Then it will appear that there never was any irrepress- 
ible conflict, between white freedom and negro slavery, 
but only between the classes and the masses. 

Welcome only those self-supporting Europeans, or 
Caucasians who come here to settle, and adopt American 
Institutions, and leave all old world ways behind them. 

Banish all unnaturalized aliens on six months notice. 

Do not in any way intrude or force ourselves on any 
race, which we exclude from our shores, and never 
interfere with the religion of any other race or nation. 

FOURTH. 

The State ownership of land, taking ground rent with 
judicially verified assessments for public income, would 



26 WHKRE ARE WE AT? 

produce good government, for then land speculation, 
settlers rush for territorial openings, vested interests, 
entrenched villainy, tax dodgers and idle men would 
be bygones. There would be good wages, cheap living, 
a premium on industry, and a penalty on idleness. Each 
man would have a choice of two jobs, and wealth would 
lose its power. Farming would pay best, many non- 
producers would take to it, and men could work in the 
morning, and rest in the afternoon. Women would no 
longer need to compete for men's work, and children 
need not work at all. 

When labor knows all this, they will vote to repeal 
the bad laws which maintain private ownership of land, 
which is now a monopoly and special privilege, and 
should be abolished forthwith. 

As long custom has made the public used to this 
monopoly, and in a great measure made them partners 
and interested therein, it is necessary to publish the 
truth widely and agitate continually until the public 
interest is aroused. 

FIFTH. 

Pending the repeal of the land laws, a graduated in- 
come tax would be one step toward justice. 

No alien should hold title to land, and as public 
revenue is no excuse for indirect and unequal taxation, 
tax dodgers should be treated as club delinquents, and 
taxed double on conviction. Land owners should be 
allowed to make their own valuations, paying tax on 
any excess occurring in a sale within the year. 

SIXTH. 

As all laws at present are in the creditors interest, and 
as all credit except for transfer is speculation, bunco, 
inflation or wild cat, all laws for the collection of debt 
should be repealed, making trade cash and preventing 
panics. 



THE WAY OUT. 2 J 

SEVENTH. 

The protective tariff is a scheme of the commercial 
class, arranged entirely in the interest of the producer, 
to force Americans to buy here, when cheaper goods 
may be obtained abroad. It violates the natural law of 
supply and demand, keeps business unsettled, and by 
legislative corruption maintains hot house industries, 
which rob the public, and should be abolished. 

The infant industry excuse is long outgrown, because 
the tariff has produced gigantic trusts against whose 
robbery, the consumer is helpless under present laws. 

The real protection needed, is of all wage earners 
against the legislative thieves, who legalize this unequal 
taxation, which produces much of our hard times. 

EIGHTH. 

Allow no one to leave more than five million dollars 
to his heirs, the surplus to go to the state. 

Amend the constitution to forbid bond issues. 

No bonds but guarantees of officials and contractors 
for good work. 

Remonetize silver and withdraw all United States 
paper money, except gold and silver certificates of ten 
dollars and over. 

Sound money, Gold and silver coin of United States, 
Sound money policy, Treasury coin certificates with 
government option, as the only paper money for conven- 
ience, and all private bank notes treated as counterfeit 
money. 

For other business purposes checks will answer 

NINTH. 

All Republicans and Democrats should unite as Amer- 
icans to restore America's natural bimetallic financial 
condition, and boycott all English financial teachings, 
which in 1896 hypnotized this country with threats of 



28 WHERE ARE WE AT? 

panic, if opposition should prevent the establishment of 
the British gold standard, and to protest against and 
prevent the Plutocrats using any longer the name of 
Republican or Democrat as a cloak for their schemes. 

Pay off old debt by graduated income tax, money 
saved by repeal of corrupt pension laws, restitution from 
tax dodgers, and income from limited inheritance law. 

Pay as we go. Do without abnormal progress, infla- 
tion, or that wild cat expansion, miscalled enterprise. 

Pending repeal of debt laws, establish postal saving 
banks and limited state life insurance, and repeal limited 
liability and corporation laws, so as to fix responsibility 
in all business. 

Under free cash trade, and equal taxation, overproduc- 
tion of people, wealth or food is impossible, for there 
would always be more work than men, and under natural 
competition, business would settle permanently in ac- 
cordance with local advantages. 

Under present laws, the overproduction of debt, vice, 
poverty and idle men is very manifest. 

Pending free trade. A tariff for revenue only, of high 
duties on luxuries, and low duties on necessaries, with 
no protective features, would be a public benefit. 

TENTH. 

Railroads. Free highways should be maintained by 
each state. Streets, Roads, Railroads, Canals, Rivers 
and Bays all open to vehicles without toll. 

To bring the railroads under this general clause, State 
officers should be appointed train dispatchers on each 
road, the road thrown open to all trains of all owners, 
until the state acquires the road beds, at cost of renewal, 
from the companies, by legal proceedings ; after which 
the state maintains the road bed, employs train dis- 
patchers and switchmen, and all who wish may operate 
trains on it, as any one may take a canal boat on the 



THE WAY OUT. 29 

canals, whereby the track monopoly is destroyed, rail- 
road speculation ceases, and cost of transportation 
reduced. Recent electric inventions render this per- 
fectly feasible. 

ELEVENTH. 

The Telegraph, Telephone, Post Office and Water, 
Light, Heat and Power supply are all public utilities, 
and the control of any or all of them by private owner- 
ship is monopoly and robbery of the public, who in 
Glasgow, Scotland, have resumed control. 

TWELFTH. 

The continuance of these monopolies has developed 
combinations called trusts, which aim to such control 
of all business aud education that there shall be neither 
opposition nor criticism, and freedom of thought, speech 
and action shall disappear. The National Government 
should own the Telegraph and Telephone like the Post 
Office. Then the Press would be again free, and in- 
formation beneficial to the public and objectionable to 
the privileged classes, could not be suppressed. Educate 
the people to hate debt, and to be vigilant against the 
thievery of the privileged (or predatory) classes, and to 
prevent any commercial influence in their schools and 
colleges. 

THIRTEENTH. 

Pensions. Sweep away the fraudulent ones, and re- 
peal all indirect legislation, leaving less than ten per 
cent, of the present rolls in force. 

FOURTEENTH. 

Suffrage. Elevate by confining to white men only, 
with educational qualification, and raise the voting age 
from twenty-one to thirty. 

Aliens to reside heie ten years before citizenship. 
Tax men who do not vote. 



30 WHERE ARE WE AT? 

Such voting machinery, that the result will be com- 
plete and visible to all, as soon as the last vote is cast, 
and no dispute can arise. Restore minority representa- 
tion so that the opposition will if beaten have the Vice 
President, and each party have one Senator unless the 
State vote of one party should be over two-thirds. 

Elect senators by popular vote. 

Congressional district certificates of election to be final. 
No unseating of members by Congressional majority. 

Presidential Electors elected by Congressional dis- 
tricts, and two at large by the state. 

Or, Direct permanent representation without elec- 
tions. Permanent citizens' clubs. City register of legal 
voters, and each club send its proxy to the capital with 
verified registered value of constituency. 

When all special privileges are repealed women will 
never need to support themselves, but home will occupy 
all their attention. 

FIFTEENTH. 

Imperialism. Return to American precedents, of 
abstinence from all interference with other nations, 
withdraw our troops from the Philippines, except 
enough to protect them against outside attack, and as 
soon as they have established their own government, 
without our help or hindrance, and repaid our expense 
to Spain, withdraw them altogether. Our home problems 
in the effort to restore good government will need all 
our attention. Small army, big navy and military drill 
in all boys schools. 



Society is a necessity of man's virtues, and govern- 
ment of his vices, and where it is normal and free from 
all special privilege, Freedom rules. And as Free 
speech is the essence of liberty, Free press, Free soil, 
Free trade, No credit, Free men, Free highways, and 



THE WAY OUT. 



31 



Free communication will follow in time, but not Free 
love or Free negroism. 

Truth is correct information, and not magnetic or 
speculative thought. Theories should arise from con- 
ditions and not precede them. 

Application of un proven theories is usually disas- 
trous. 

Civilization is progress mentally measured by crops, 
wealth and invention, and morally by decrease of crime, 
poverty, divorce and idleness, and increase of independ- 
ent voting power. 

What is wanted is not reform, but restoration of our 
country to the really good times before the war, and to 
our distinctly American Civilization as it was then, 
only a great deal more so, and restitution to the public 
of their earnings, stolen by the privileged classes. 

As these privileged classes will oppose laws which 
loosen their grip on the public, and shout Anarchist, 
Traitor, National dishonor, etc., when they face the 
possibility of restitution of any part of the millions they 
have stolen, and are now stealing under corrupt laws, 
the endeavor is here made to tear off their masks and 
break the hypnotic spell by which they rule their 
victims. Divorce repeal at once, machine voting as 
the best hope now for free elections, Philippine evacua- 
tion and Chinese exclusion as immediate national neces- 
sities, State train dispatcher to break the railroad 
monopoly and destroy State Legislative corruption, and 
Tariff repeal or modification to destroy congressional 
corruption and trusts ; seem to be the most urgently 
needed changes. Repeal of land laws, Debt laws and 
Emancipation proclamation can follow with the develop- 
ment of public interest and information and other 
changes later. 

As these changes may injure many innocent holders 
of securities, the promoters and beneficiaries of the 



32 WHERE ARE WE AT? 

schemes should be held responsible, under the law of 
false pretences. 

Washington and Jefferson understood human nature, 
and those who think they would be old fogies now, have 
simply turned away from American precedents, and are 
returning to foreign methods. 

All Republicans and Democrats should attend their 
primaries, and prevent the nomination of any tool of the 
privileged classes. 

These changes are radical ; it will take long agitation, 
thorough organization and incessant watchfulness, to 
make any progress in their direction, especially in weed- 
ing out foreign influence, and if this outline will interest 
the public enough to begin a thorough study of the 
questions mooted it will be all the writer can desire or 
expect, and the following press extracts show the public 
are already interested in some of these questions. 

The campaign watchwords should be ''Restoration 
and Restitution," and clubs should be formed to study 
and apply Washington's Farewell Address, and Jeffer- 
son's and Jackson's Bank Warnings, and apply them to 
the present conditions. 

Anti-Tory. 
April 2, 1 po 2. 



APPENDIX. 



APPENDIX. 



MORMONISM GROWING. 

REMARKABLE STATEMENT OF ITS SPREAD — ENDEAVORS 

TO STOP IT. 

THE alarm sounded yesterday concerning the progress 
of Mormon ism was based on the remarkable state- 
ment printed below. It was prepared by secretaries of 
home missionary societies of Presbyterian, Baptist, Con- 
gregational, Methodist Episcopal, North and South, 
Reformed, Cumberland Presbyterian, Disciples of Christ 
and United Brethren churches, who unite in an appeal 
to the Christian public of America to resist Mormon en- 
coachments. Here is the full statement : 

As representatives of missionary societies of Christian 
denominations in the United States, we beg most 
earnestly to call the attention of the Christian public to 
the position, work and menace of Mormonism in our 
country. 

We are moved to this statement by the vitality which 
the Mormon system has shown, not only in Western 
States and Territories, but generally throughout the 
country. We are persuaded that Christian people have 
no adequate conception of that vitality, nor of the 
methods, seductive and often successful, by which the 
hateful system is being pressed upon the public attention. 

Whatever modifications public sentiment or government 

(35) 



36 APPENDIX. 

action may have forced upon the Mormon attitude and 
Mormon practices, it has not essentially changed its 
character since the days of Joseph Smith and Brigham 
Young. Its priestly oligarchy threatens free government ; 
its grasping priestcraft invades property rights ; its varied 
vices are destructive of good morals ; while its pagan 
doctrines are antagonistic to the Gospel of Christ. 

The ambition of Mormons, which they do not even 
conceal, is to secure control of State after State, until by 
means of the balance of power they may make national 
legislation against Mormonism impossible. Toward this 
end they are moving by an organization as compact and 
skillfully devised for its purpose as any that ever engaged 
the activities of man. Their approaches to people are 
made the more seductive because their appeal affects to 
be based upon commonly accepted Bible truths. Only 
after entrance has been gained and the door closed against 
retreat, is the awful system gradually unveiled to its 
converts. 

It is rapidly growing. The Mormon hierarchy has an 
unyielding grip on the machinery of the State of Utah, 
and upon all its political and educational interests. 
Though often denied, there is no doubt that its practice 
of polygamy coutinues, in defiance of all the promises 
made to the United States when Statehood was 
granted. 

Its power in contiguous States and Territories is in- 
creasing at an alarming rate. By means of coloni- 
zation it has so affected the states of Idaho, Wyoming, 
Montana and Nevada and the Territories of New 
Mexico and Arizona, that it will soon secure, if it has 
not already secured, practical, political control in all 
that region. 

Its missionary activity throughout the Union is almost 
incredible. It claims to have now two thousand mission- 
aries in the field — one thousand four hundred of them 



APPENDIX. 37 

in the Southern States — and to have made last year 
twenty thousand converts. Mormons are also establish- 
ing missions in foreign countries on a large scale. At a 
conference recently held in Berlin and presided over by 
Hugh Cannon, son of George Q. Cannon, one hundred 
and twenty-five Mormon missionaries were present who 
were working in the German Empire. They reported 
two thousand converts. In Norway and Sweden Mor- 
mons have for many years been gaining a continually in- 
creasing number of converts. 

For these and many other reasons we make our appeal 
to the public. We urge upon pastors and teachers to 
unveil to their people and pupils this system, so seductive 
and dangerous to all the best interests of every com- 
munity and of our country. We urge upon the public 
press the duty of educating the public conscience by un- 
sparingly giving the facts of the nature and the work of 
Mormonism, and we appeal to Christian and patriotic 
people everywhere to resist wherever it appears a system 
hostile at once to our free institutions and our Christian 
faith. — Nezv York Sun, March 29, 1902. 



DIVORCE IS WOMAN'S RUIN.— Pope Leo XIII. 
Marriage Divine Law. 

Rome. — In an allocution to the Consistory to-day, the 
Pope denounced the divorce bill pending before the 
Italian Chamber of Deputies. He said : 

" Divorce is a desecration of all religion and contrary 
to the law of God. If there be any authority in old age, 
any weight in the apostolic voice, we do not warn only, 
but implore all engaged in the deliberation on a divorce 
law by whatever is dearest and most sacred to them to 
desist from wmat has been begun. 



-?8 APPENDIX. 

" Let them not refuse to consider seriously that the 
Christian marriage bond is holy, individual and per- 
petual by the Divine law and that that law can never be 
abrogated by any human law. 

u Christ recalled marriage to what it was constituted 
in the beginning, increased it by the dignity and virtue 
of a sacrament and exempted it from civil and even 
ecclesiastical power. The church as the guardian and 
vindicator of the divine law has always protested strongly 
against divorce. Let nobody hope she will be less 
mindful in the future. She will not connive or acqui- 
esce in any way. 

"The example of other countries is criminal in so far 
as they recognize divorce, which is the ruin of the 
family and the corruption of society. When once 
divorce is allowed, even on a very limited scale, it 
spreads like a terrible conflagration. 

"Divorce is the moral ruin of woman. 

"I pray God to spare Italy this terrible social plague 
and induce Christian people to see the error of their 
ways. ' ' 

Regarding the question of an American representative 
at the Vatican, the Pope and the Vatican authorities 
would be contented to begin such representation with a 
semi-official envoy to regulate the more important ques- 
tions arising between America and the Vatican. 

It is hoped that eventually such an envoy would be 
transferred into a minister, as has been done with 
Russia. 

The Pope has appointed the Rt. Rev. John J. Kennedy, 
the rector of the American College at Rome, his domes- 
tic prelate, thus making him a member of the Ecclesias- 
tical Court. — New York Journal, Dec. 17, 1901. 






APPENDIX. 39 

RACE. 

Denver, Col., — The American Association for the 
Advancement of Science decided to-day that there never 
was either an Adam or an Eve. 

Professor J. W. McGee, the Chesterfieldian ethnolo- 
gist, who knows all about the men who have inhabited 
the earth, was down on the programme to read an inno- 
cent-looking paper entitled Current Questions in An- 
thropology. He said that for centuries students had 
adhered to the supposition that mankind had sprung 
from a common parentage. Modern research had shat- 
tered this theory. It must be apparent, he said, that 
the Negro, the Mongolian, the Malay and the Caucasian 
could not have descended from the same pair. 

Talk of Adam and Eve having set up housekeeping 
in the Garden of Eden was, in the opinion of the pro- 
fessor, absurd. There must have been several such 
couples. 

Professor McGee continued along these lines for 
thirty minutes, and then the supporters of the common 
parentage idea got the floor. Professor George Dorsey, 
who occupies a front seat at all gatherings of anthropolo- 
gists, being the curator of the anthropological section of 
the Field Museum at Chicago, defended Adam and 
Eve, and gave exhaustive data to make his argument 
effective. 

He was ably seconded by Professor Frank Russell, of 
Harvard, but the rest of the members went over to 
McGee, and it was soon apparent that the latter had won 
the day and the story of Eden and its occupants would 
have to be placed on the shelf with Santa Claus and 
other interesting but ephemeral personages. 

The Association to-night elected officers. — New York 
Journal, August 31, 1901. 



40 APPENDIX. 

WHERE BLACK RULES WHITE. 

Under the above title we have in book form a series of 
newspaper articles written by Mr. Hesketh Prichard for 
the Daily Express of London, descriptive of a journey 
across and about Hayti. The black republic has always 
presented itself to the consideration of the judicious as a 
good place to stay away from, and these lightly sketched 
impressions of Mr. Richard's will confirm any reader in 
that belief. Stifling heat, a malarial atmosphere, noise, 
dirt and a conglomeration of abominable smells, seem to 
be the distinguishing characteristics of a Haytian town. 
A handful of foreigners in the island control its business, 
while its government is in the hands of a number of 
ignorant, superstitious and lazy negroes — mostly Gen- 
erals. All the doleful prophecies of Sir Spencer St. 
John, who lived for many years in Hayti and who wrote 
of the country somewhere back in the early eightys, seem 
to have come true. Mr. Prichard is an Englishman and 
he suffered much from the heat, the noises, the smells 
and the mosquitoes. He met an American in Port-au- 
Prince who told him a story of a man who had previously 
occupied Mr. Prichard' s room in the hotel, and who shot 
a mosquito there with an eight-bore duck gun and only 
wounded it. But we must in justice to Mr. Prichard 
admit that he does not seem to have believed that storv. 
Still, he saw many things that were scarcely less strange. 
He was present at a Vaudoux ceremony. He believes 
that cannibalism and human sacrifice still exist on the 
island unchecked, and, if anything, encouraged by the 
ruling powers. Secret poisoning also, he says, pervades 
the scheme of Haytian life exactly as it pervades that of 
West Africa. He calculates that about every third man 
you meet in Hayti is a General, and that only every 
tenth General is paid, but every General tries to pay him- 
self. The nominal pay is one hundred and forty pounds 



APPENDIX. 



41 



per annum for a General of Division, and one hundred 
and five pounds for a Brigadier. A captain gets twelve 
pounds a year and a private has the wildly prodigal 
allowance of about two pounds ten shillings, or twelve 
dollars and fifty cents a year, and that not always forth- 
coming. As to the Government of the negro republic, 
we will let him speak for himself. u When you know," 
he says, u how the Haytian soldier is paid, you know 
how Hayti is governed. The principle is one and in- 
divisible. The paymaster takes toll of fifty centimes and 
passes it on to the first General. The first General, who 
is a very big General, indeed, hands it on in slimmer 
bulk to the second General. He in his turn transfers it, 
further diminished, to his next in command. The cap- 
tain lightens it, lest it should be too heavy for the Lieu- 
tenant to carry, and the Lieutenant, not liking to break 
the chain, takes his own discount ; thus the soldier who 
receives five centimes is in luck : he who gets ten is a 
favorite of the gods. And when, at last, he has pocketed 
it, his lieutenant comes along and wins it off him at the 
universal game of dice." 

The choice of various kinds of malaria, the ever fre- 
quent proximity of several forms of loathsome disease, 
and several other matters mentioned by Mr. Prichard, 
will probably confirm any reader in the opinion that 
Hayti is not likely to become an ideal pleasure resort. — 
New York Sun, January 26th, 1901. 



ON WHAT THE WELFARE OF THE NEGRO 

DEPENDS. 

In the black Yazoo Delta of Mississippi, containing 
nine counties, the negro is almost the only laborer. He 
does ninety-five per cent, of the work on the farms ; in 
Issaquena county ninety-eight per cent. There are 
thirty-two thousand two hundred and ninety-one separate 



42 APPENDIX, 

agricultural holdings in the Delta, of which twenty-nine 
thousand six hundred and sixty-two, or 92.9 per cent., 
are worked by negroes and two thousand six hundred and 
twenty-nine by whites ; but in only 7. 1 per cent, of the 
holdings do the negroes have any interest. Here they 
are the inferior race from any point of view, although in 
the country districts a white face is rarely to be seen. 
Compared with the land of the nine southeastern counties 
of the State — Clarke, Greene, Harrison, Jackson, Jasper, 
Jones, Lauderdale, Perry and Wayne — the soil of the 
Delta is deep and fertile. These southeastern counties 
contain fourteen thousand six hundred and twenty-nine 
farms, of which nine thousand three hundred and fifteen, 
or 63. 7 per cent, are worked by whites. Yet the negroes 
make a much better showing in this part of the State 
than in the Delta. In the nine southeastern counties, 
where there are two white farmers for every negro farmer, 
five thousand three hundred and fourteen negroes occupy 
farms or holdings. Of this number two thousand three 
hundred and seventy-four, or 44.7 per cent., own the 
farm which they till, or some part of it. 

The morals of the negroes in the Delta are deplorable. 
Murder, manslaughter, attempts to kill, and crimes 
against property are relatively twice as great as in dis- 
tricts where the whites preponderate. Rape of the negro 
women is common in the Delta. Elsewhere it is infre- 
quent. In addresses before the American Economic As- 
sociation in Washington the other day, Mr. Alfred H. 
Stone, of Greenville, Miss. , and Mr. L,. G. Powers, chief 
statistician for agriculture in the Census Office, made the 
point that the welfare, moral, material and physical, of 
the negro, depends upon his association with the whites. 
Mr. Powers declared that the negro has no industrial fu- 
ture except where he can observe and copy the virtues of 
the whites. Only by imitation and hard, even bitter, 
experience, can he raise himself in the moral scale. The 



APPENDIX. 43 

soil of the Delta is more productive than that of south- 
eastern Mississippi, but the Delta negro does not prosper, 
and he is bound to become hopelessly depraved unless 
white immigrants take up land and give him the benefit 
of their example. On a larger scale we see the same 
state of things in Hayti, one of the fairest and richest 
countries in the world. The white man is proportion- 
ately as rare in Hayti as in the Mississippi Delta ; the 
government is of the negro, by the negro, and for the 
negro, and it is one of the saddest and most tragic bur- 
lesques that human nature has ever beheld. Only in the 
coast towns is there any pretence of civilization ; in the 
interior the race has lapsed almost into savagery, and 
voodoo worship in its most hideous forms is practiced. 
As regards the South, any movement to prevent segre- 
gation of the negro should have the support of the au- 
thorities. As it cannot do without him as a laborer, it 
is deeply interested in elevating his standard of manhood 
and reclaiming him when he shows a tendency to fall 
back into barbarism. In districts where the negroes 
greatly outnumber the whites the remedy for the troubles 
from which the superior race suffers does not lie in ex- 
pelling the negroes, putting them in chain gangs whole- 
sale, but in offering inducements to white labor to come 
into the district and take up holdings. — New York Times. 



After reading this talk, think of English action to 
Armenia and South Africa. 

AN ENGLISH EXPLANATION. 

W. R. Hearst, Editor of the Journal: 

Replying to an inquiry of an "Old C. S. Vet," I 
would say that the reason why England never recognized 
the Confederate States was its abhorrence of human 
slavery. 

The confession of their Vice-President, Alexander H. 



44 APPENDIX. 

Stephens, that the corner stone of the new government 
was based on the recognition of slavery as being right, 
shocked every sentiment of humanity. England had 
been the asylum of the oppressed of all nations, and no 
government could have stood a day that would dare to 
recognize the slavery element. Its repugnance to that 
institution was voiced a hundred years before, when 

Cowper wrote : 

" Slaves cannot breathe in England ; if their lungs 
Receive our air, that moment they are free ; 
They touch our country, and their shackles fall." 

This, and this only, was the reason why England 
never recognized the Confederacy. — New York Journal, 
July 15, 1901. HUMANITAS. 

No. 26 John street, New York, July 9. 



A MISTAKE TO FREE THE SLAVES. 

The Rev. J. M. Foster, a member of the James G. 
Blaine Republican Club of the Sixth Assembly district, 
addressed his fellow members at the club rooms, No. 452 
Grand street, last night. In speaking of the Force bill, 
he said that the solid South would be broken if the bill 
were passed and the people could only vote as they 
pleased. It was a mistake, he added, to free the un- 
tutored slaves until they had been educated. The mis- 
take has been apparent, he said, since the war, as is 
shown by Southern political troubles. — New York 
Herald, January 7, 1891. 



SAYS " UNCLE TOM'S CABIN " PRECIPITA- 
TED CIVIL WAR. 

F. Hopkinson Smith, Lecturing in Massachusetts, 
attacks the Famous Novel. 

Newton, Mass., Jan. 10. — F. Hopkinson Smith, the 
well known author, aitist, lighthouse builder and lee- 



APPENDIX. 45 

turer, of New York, a Southerner by birth, talking 
before a social club last night, said that Harriet Beecher 
Stowe's Uncle Tom's Cabin, precipitated the war be- 
tween the North and the South. He said : 

"This book, Uncle Tent's Cabin, is the most vicious 
book that ever appeared. It compares with Kennan's 
first book on Russia. I could go into the prisons of the 
North to-day aud write such a book. The book precipi- 
tated the war, and made the North believe nothing but 
the very worst of the South. We are not an inhuman 
people ; we are all alike ; we are Americans. It was an 
outrage to raise the North against the South. The book 
was an appalling, awful and criminal mistake. ' ' 



DEBT. 

POVERTY'S APPAWJNG ARMY. 

It is stated that there are now in this city one hundred 
thousand men out of employment — not mendicants and 
tramps, but men eager to work for a livelihood. It is 
also predicted that fifty thousand will be added to this 
appalling army of the idle before the holidays. The 
mind shrinks from admitting pictures of the human 
suffering which these frightful figures force upon it. 
Of course there will be efforts to provide work for a 
proportion of the unemployed, and the rich, who as a 
rule are generous in their response to the cry of want, 
will pour out money in charity. 

But charity is no cure for poverty. The world's ex- 
perience has demonstrated that. What is the cure? 
Who knows? 

That in a new and rich country like this, there should 
be one willing man asking for work and not able to get 
it is an indictment of our industrial conditions. But 
what shall we say of those conditions when every city in 



46 APPENDIX. 

the United States has always with it its contingent of 
men existing in enforced idleness on the edgQ of starva- 
tion? And many of these men stand for hungry women 
and children as well. 

There is something wrong at the bottom of things 
when our civilization yields such pitiable results. In 
our politics we wrangle, and grow excited over the tariff 
and the currency, which possess importance certainly^ 
but they are mere wavelets on the surface. 

No man with a heart can think of the poverty -cursed 
crowd that suffers wherever a city grows, without suffer- 
ing in sympathy, and confessing that the social ma- 
chinery needs mending. It works excellently for the 
well-to-do, but it tortures the unlucky and the less 
capable, who are punished for their want of capacity as 
if it were a henious crime. 

While we have poverty there will always be justifica- 
tion for the appearance of the social reformers — the man 
so constituted by nature that the misery of others hurts 
as if it were his own. And our fashion is to stone the 
reformer and call him evil names, and cry out for his 
crucifixion. Yet it is to the social reformer that we 
must look for the remedy, if poverty is to be cured, or 
even greatly alleviated. If we trust optimistically to 
evolution as the ultimate solvent of the problem, it is 
yet the social reformer on whom we must rely to give to 
evolution its upward direction. 

Why should there be a hundred thousand men idle, or 
any men at all idle, in the great and rich city of New 
York? 



BILLIONS ON FAITH. 

A statement just issued by the Treasury Bureau of 
Statistics shows that the national debts of the world 



APPENDIX. 47 

have increased in a little over a centurv at the rate 
exhibited in this table : 

1793 - " " - t 2,433,250,000 
1820 - 7,299,750,000 

1848 - 8,419,045,000 

1862 -.-- 13,382,875,000 

1872 - 22,410,232,000 

1882 - 26,249,901,000 

1901 .... 3M93>749>ooo 
Within the lifetime of men of middle age these debts 
have tripled. They now amount to a sum that would 
buy out half of the United Kingdom. It is simply be- 
yond the reach of the human imagination. It is more 
than six times as much as the entire stock of gold money 
in the world. And it represents pure confidence in the 
honesty of governments. It has been lent without a 
mortgage, on the simple unsecured notes of nations, at 
lower rates than Pierpont Morgan could obtain if he 
went into Wall Street to borrow money on gilt-edged 
security. 



RAILROADS. 

No body of men can acquire one hundred million dol- 
lars in a score of years without grossly defrauding their 
fellows, by securing rates and facilities for public carriage 
of which others are deprived. That is the sleight of 
hand by which the marvel is produced, the key to the 
riddle which has amazed and alarmed the nations. 

In these words Martin A. Knapp, chairman of the 
Interstate Commerce Commission, arraigned trusts and 
railroad corporations in a speech on ' ' Transportation ' ' 
at Cooper Union last night, in which he proposed as a 
remedy Government ownership of all railways. 

"As I view this matter,? ' he said, u the State has as 
much right to farm out the business of collecting its 



48 APPENDIX. 

revenues or preserving the peace, and allow the parties 
entrusted with these duties to vary the rate of taxation 
according to their own interests, or to sell personal pro- 
tection to the highest bidder, as it has to permit the 
great function of public carriage to be the subject of 
special bargains or secret dicker to be made unequal by 
favoritism or oppressive by extortion. 

"No service which the Government undertakes can 
be more useful, and no duty which rests upon it is more 
imperative than to secure for the public always, and 
everywhere, equal treatment by every railway carrier. 

"When the natural advantages of capital are aug- 
mented by arbitrary deductions from charges commonly 
imposed, the combination is powerful enough to force all 
rivals from the field. Production is controlled, wages 
fixed, prices raised to the desired profit, monopoly reigns. 

"If we could unearth the secret of these modern 
trusts, whose quick gotten wealth dwarfs the riches of 
Solomon, and whose impudent exactions puts tyranny to 
shame, we should find the explanation of their menacing 
growth, in the systematic and heartless methods, by which 
they have evaded the common burdens of transportation. 

"Deprived of special and exclusive rates, an advantage 
far greater and more odious than exemption from taxa- 
tion, these trusts would be shorn of their advantages 
and divested of their principal dauger. Indeed, I think 
it scarcely too much to say that no aggregation of capi- 
talists, no combination in the field of industry, can be of 
serious, or at least of permanent peril, if rigidly subjected 
to the rule of justice and equality in all that pertains to 
public transportation. " 

Mr. Knapp went on to say that as long as the railroads 
were owned by private corporations they would take 
unto themselves civil rights which belonged only to the 
Government. 

"Railroads engaged in public service," he said, "are 



APPENDIX. 49 

only purveyors of the public privilege, and large shippers 
are entitled to no smaller rates for their commodities 
than is the smaller shipper in the same line. ' ' 

In closing, Mr. Knapp said that if the American people 
believed in acting upon the old adage of every man for 
himself, the higher civilization which we were on the 
point of realizing would be the greatest catastrophe. — 
New York Journal, March 13, 1902. 



THE RAILWAY PROBLEM. 

The early grants to railway companies provided that 
the roads built pursuant to such grants should be public 
highways over which any one might run trains by the 
payment of a certain toll. 

As improvements were made in the rolling stock of 
railways, the company owning a roadbed could carry 
more cheaply than other companies that had to pay toll, 
thus enabling the company owning the road to secure a 
monopoly of the carrying trade. 

In my opinion the simple and effective solution of our 
present railway problem is to be found in restoring the 
railroad to its original condition as a public highway, 
owned by the people, instead of by an individual or cor- 
poration — a public highway, free to any one-who may 
see fit to adjust his rolling stock to the tracks and en- 
gage in the carrying trade thereon. Tolls should not 
be collected any more than we collect tolls on our public 
streets. Tolls necessarily require a horde of officials to 
collect them, beside increasing the necessary expense of 
common carriers, and thus tending to check free com- 
petition and encourage monopoly. 

We now have free natural highways on ocean and 
lake, bay and river, free canals, free country roads and 
city streets. Place the railways upon the same footing 
with all other public highways ; make them free like the 



50 APPENDIX. 

others for every one to use, subject to no tolls and to 
the least possible restriction and regulation, and free 
competition will reduce the cost of transportation to 
a minimum. C. J. Bueli*. — Standard, Minneapolis, 
Minn., January 7, 1891. 



Thomas W. Phillips, in his minority report as member 
of the Industrial Commission, lays bare with the scalpel 
of truth, the backbone of the criminal trusts which are 
plundering the American people. 

That backbone is railroad favoritism. 

From the investigations of the Commission, Mr. 
Phillips tells us, "it is apparent that the most potent 
factor in establishing and maintaining monopolies has 
been preferential or discriminating rates of freight by 
common carriers," and he cites many facts to prove it. 

The anthracite coal fields, for example, are in the grip 
of a monopoly, thanks to the railroads. Annually forty- 
three million tons of anthracite are carried to market by 
rail at three-fourths of a cent per ton per mile more than 
is charged for carrying bituminous coal. ' ' This, ' ' says 
Mr. Phillips, "is three hundred and twenty-two thousand 
five hundred dollars per mile of excess charge for the 
year's product, or forty-six million seven hundred and 
sixty-two thousand five hundred dollars annually, for the 
average haul of one hundred and forty-five miles to the 
general market, or more than one dollar a ton." This 
overcharge is greater than the annual interest on the 
national debt. He adds : 

"By discriminating against independent operators the 
railroads have forced them to sell their property until at 
the present time more than nine-tenths. of the anthracite 
coal deposits are owned, and more than three-fourths of 
the entire yearly product is mined by the eight lines of 
railroads that constitute the 'community of interests.' " 



APPENDIX. 51 

The Standard Oil Company, which never could have 
come into existence, but for unlawful and thievish col- 
lusion with the railroads, is still their profiting confeder- 
ate. The Union Pacific grants the Standard such large 
rebates as to close its whole territory to other oil shippers. 
The Pennsylvania road still grants the Standard dis- 
criminating rates. So do other railroads. Wherever 
competition is to be met the rate goes down for the Trust, 
but not for its rivals. It is thus that the "American 
Beauty Rose" of monopoly, whose praises are devoutly 
sung by John D. Rockefeller, Jr., is nurtured. 

The railroads scorn the laws. They keep no books 
showing the rebates paid to favored shippers — or hide or 
destroy them, as the Central Pacific did the books of the 
Contract and Finance Company when commissions or 
courts called for them. 

Pages of the Journal could be filled with facts elicited 
by the Industrial Commission in proof of the manner in 
which the railroads, the country's highways, are made 
partners in oppression and robbery by the trusts. 

Mr. Phillips declares his belief that if the railroads 
shall not be brought under control of the law in the pub- 
lic interest the alternative will be Government ownership. 

And that is the conclusion to which all thoughtful 
men are coming. — New York Journal, February n, 1902. 



4 LOU ' PAYN BURIES CANAL BILLS IN 

THE ASSEMBLY. 

Albany, — Canal legislation for this session was killed 
to-day, when the Assembly refused, seventy-one to sixty- 
four, to substitute the Davis thirty-two million dollar bill, 
advocated by the Governor, for the Weekes' thirty-seven 
million dollar bill — while the Weekes' bill itself was de- 
feated, sixty-seven to sixty-three. 



52 APPENDIX. 

This is a great victory for Louis F. Payn and the rail- 
road corporations. From the beginning of the session 
they have labored night and day to achieve it. 

It is a tremendous defeat for Governor Odell, if he was 
sincere in his assurances to the New York commercial 
bodies that demanded canal legislation. Practically 
every vote against both the Davis and Weekes bills was 
that of a Republican, while a minority of that party joined 
with the Democrats in the affirmative, convincing friends 
of the canals that the Governor had not u hustled " much. 

" So far as the Republicans are concerned," said 
Speaker Nixon at the close of the contest, " it was a go- 
as-you-please. ' ' 

Backers of the canals charge that at least ten members 
absented themselves purposely, while others were away 
because of illness or business engagements. 

Believing that there is yet a majority for the Davis bill, 
Mr. Bennett, of New York, gave notice that he would 
move a suspension of the rules Tuesday in order to have 
the committee on rules discharged from further con- 
sideration of the Davis bill. This requires one hundred 
votes. 

There were several calls of the house to-day because 
members scurried out of the chamber to avoid voting. 

Otto Kelsey, deputy Republican floor leader, satirically 
offered amendments for the construction of a double track 
railroad along the bed of the Oswego Canal. — New York 
Journal, March 21, 1902. 



CIVIC OWNERSHIP WINS CHICAGO BY 

FIVE TO ONE. 

Chicago, April 1. — Municipal ownership won a great 
and decisive victory in the city elections to-day. In the 
face of desperate opposition from the traction companies 
and gas and electric lighting concerns, despite the veiled 



APPENDIX. 



53 



hostility of the trust newspapers and party machine to 
the referendum movement, the " little ballot" — its 
enemies' derisive name — scored a sweeping triumph in 
every city ward. 

Chicago's streets are saved to the people to-night, 
and Chicago has blazed the way to municipal ownership 
for every city in America. 

Returns from 1,060 precincts of the 1,187 * n tne city 
give a total vote on the question of municipal ownership 
of approximately 141,500, a greater vote than any ever 
polled in a special election in Chicago ; 117,424 citizens 
voted to take over the street railways, as against 24,059 
in favor of leaving them in control of the companies ; 
117,423 ballots were cast for the municipal ownership 
of the gas and electric lighting plants, while only 
18,797 were f° r dollar gas and the continuance of the 
company tenure. 

The vote on street railway control was approximately 
five to one in favor of municipal ownership, while the 
victims of the gas and electric light punished their mas- 
ters by an adverse vote of nearly seven to one. 

The third question submitted to the vote of the people 
by the "little ballot" — the direct nomination of candi- 
dates for municipal offices — received an even greater 
majority, 118,135 for and 15,295 against. The vote cast 
for the "little ballot," despite the unceasing fight which 
the corporations have waged upon it from the filing of 
the referendum petition, was more than double that cast 
on the question of the abolition of the township govern- 
ments — 54,137 for, 8,784 against — which the trust news- 
papers of Chicago have been advocating for a dozen 
years. 

The result of the election is a splendid victory for 
Hearst's Chicago American, as well as for the Referen- 
dum League, the direct sponsors of the "little ballot." 
All the other morning and afternoon papers of Chicago 



54 APPENDIX. 

have united in either ignoring or attacking the referen- 
dum of municipal ownership to the people. The Chicago 
American alone advocated the referendum movement. 

First ward campaigning, ever sensational, was unique 
at to-day's election, when ten University of Chicago 
football players were marched over from the Municipal 
Voters' League Headquarters and placed at five of the 
"levee" precincts. John Webb, tackle of the 'varsity 
teams of '96, '97, '98 and '99, led the squad and 
stationed his men. 

Each student was firm in the belief that he was 
burdened with the duty of preventing murder, arson 
and bribery, and was looking for it w r ith eagle glance. 
Most of them were invisible at the polling places and 
unknown to the policemen and other watchers. 



STRIKING THINGS THAT AI/TGELD SAID. 

Following are extracts from the most notable speeches 
of John P. Altgeld : 

The monopolists and the speculators prosper, but the 

masses wither. 

* * * 

We are being reduced to two classes. In the first 
stage these will be known as the very rich and the mod- 
erately poor, and in the second stage as the masters and 
the slaves. We have established a moneyed aristocracy, 
and are now fastening a yoke on posterity. 

* * * 

Wealth has never been the friend of liberty. 

* * * 

For the last thirty years the corporations have fled to 
the Federal Courts like the ancient murderers fled to 
cities of refuge ; there they felt safe. Recognizing that 
the construction of the laws is more important than 
making laws, these powerful influences have allowed no 



APPENDIX. 55 

man to be appointed judge whom they did not believe 
friendly to them. They do not buy Federal judges, 
because it is not necessary. In their eagerness to serve 
the corporations these judges have in recent years estab- 
lished government by injunction in this country under 
which a judge becomes legislator, court and executioner. 
They brush free speech — the liberty of the citizen — and 
trial by jury away with a contemptuous sneer. 

* T T 

The world demands earnestness and candor. 

•r * *r 

I do not believe in the black flag. Give every honor- 
able enemy quarter. But we have a sacred black motto 
which we must keep to the front, and that is this : Woe 
with him who trifles with the confidence of the American 

people. 

* * * 

Scores of wabbling statesmen are to-day looking 
through the fence into the graveyard for a burial place, 
because they were hit by the wrath of a deceived people. 

Each age furnishes a weapon for the people. The 
weapon for this age is initiative and referendum. 

* * * 

The world is not ripe for the application of Socialism. 
There are as yet hundreds of things that cannot be clone 
successfully by the State, and that must be left to the 
individual. 

3|C 5(C 3f. 

Nearly every government in the world except ours 
owns and operates its own telegraph and telephone lines 
to the great advantage of its people. But we still give 
all the benefit to corporations. 

* * * 

Surrounding every Legislature, whether city, state or 
national, there is a corrupt lobby working for the cor- 

LrfC. 



56 APPENDIX. 

porations. As a result the people are betrayed by their 

own representatives. 

* * * 

The question of putting an end to this wholesale cor- 
ruption, putting an end to the selling of legislation, 
putting an end to the control of Government by corpora- 
tions, is a question that will determine the existence of 
this Republic. Unless we can check it, there is no hope 

for this country. 

* * * 

Republican institutions and government by injunction 
cannot both exist in the same country. 

* * * 

The judicial branch of the Government is just as much 
subject to the criticism of the American people as are the 
legislative or executive branches, and it needs this criti- 
cism more than either of the others. 

* * * 

The man who has no argument seizes the nearest 
epithet and hurls it. 



PINGREE'S PITHY PHRASES. 

Every rascal is an extreme partisan. 

Government for bondholder is becoming quite com- 
mon in the world — nations gone into the hands of a 
receiver. 

Money is taken each year out of the pockets of the 
producer and goes to swell the corruption fund of the 
privileged few. 

Every agency that is bleeding the country has taken 
refuge under the wing of the Republican party. 

The most difficult thing we have to get are honest 
laws ; and then they must be administered. 

There should be a tax upon all incomes of more than 
one thousand dollars a year. 



APPENDIX. 57 

Congressional legislation against trusts, as State en- 
actments, seem useless. 

All candidates for office should be nominated bv the 
direct vote of the people. 

All Europeans should be driven from the American 
Continent. — New York World, June 19, 1901. 



A LITTLE COLD TRUTH ABOUT ENGLAND. 



( < a* 



The English people are as free as ourselves," writes a 
reader who does not agree with the Journal that no 
American Embassy should be sent to Kowtow before 
King Edward on the occasion of his coronation. 

That is a grave mistake, though common enough. 

The English people are slaves to the spirit of caste to 
a degree incomprehensible to the average American. 
This spirit hampers their political development, notwith- 
standing the extension of the suffrage. It hinders their 
industrial progress by its influence upon education and 
the blighting of ambition. It prevents the growth of 
those ideals that produce independence in the common 
man. 

Democracy forms no element in the material of Eng- 
lish character. An Englishman from his mother's womb 
is an aristocrat. The insatiable love of caste that in 
England, as in Hindustan, devours all hearts, is confined 
to no walk of society, but pervades every degree from the 
highest to the lowest. 

It is a good many years since Cobden penned those 
words, and though there has been an advance of demo- 
cratic ideas since he wrote them they still remain 
essentially true. 

"John Bull," says Mr. Stead, writing in January, 1902, 
u would have to experience a new birth before he could 
qualify as a citizen of the American Republic. He must 



58 APPENDIX. 

be allowed to retain his plush-breeched and powdered 
footman, his Lord Mayor's coach, and all the parapher- 
nalia and trappings of monarchy and peerage, if only to 
enable him to feel at home in a cold, cold world, and 
cultivate that spirit of condescension toward Americans 
which is his sole remaining consolation. ■' 

The u better classes " in England, do not believe in 
education for the masses, thinking that the hewers of 
wood and drawers of water are better without it. The 
doctrine that one should be humbly content with the 
station in life to which it has pleased Providence to call 
him, is still the accepted gospel in England. Rever- 
ence for a lord as something above ordinary humanity is 
part of the British character. The proletariat of London 
has become the political bulwark of the aristocracy. 

At the head of this aristocracy is King Edward, repre- 
senting a system of political and social conceptions at the 
poles from our own republicanism. 

Why should we who — thanks to the same ideals and 
good common sense of our Revolutionary forefathers — 
are free from the curses of a king and a nobility, a ' ( well 
ordered social polity 7 ' which crowns the idler and de- 
grades the worker, do anything to encourage the English 
people in caste slavishness ? 

Why should this Republic, resting on the sovereignty 
of the citizen and governed by manhood suffrage, say to 
the world that we have lost our scorn for monarchy and 
are willing officially to bow the knee in its honor ? 

If freedom is good for us — freedom from the mon- 
archical superstition, from hereditary rank, and from all 
the debasing effects of these obsolete institutions — then 
like freedom would be good for other peoples. 

No, the English are not as free as we are, and never 
will be until they stand upright in a throneless island, 
and substitute in all walks of life the American ideal of 
individual ability and achievement for the ancient and 



APPENDIX. 59 

outworn and childish theory that a few men are born into 
this world with the divine right to rule and live off the 
rest of us. 

A special American Embassy at King Edward's coro- 
nation will have a good deal of the incongruousness of 
Mark Twain's Connecticut Yankee at the Court of King 
Arthur. 

The sight of that embassy, if Congress shall permit it 
to go on its fool's errand, will discredit this Republic in 
the eyes of democratic men throughout the globe. — New 
York Journal, February, 1902. 



CONCLUSION. 

Jefferson opposed Banks as introducing a paper instead 
of a cash system, raising up a moneyed aristocracy, and 
abandoning the public to the discretion of avarice and 
swindlers. 

Paper money might have some advantages, but its 
abuses were inevitable, and by breaking up the measure 
of value, it made a lottery of all private property. He 
always maintained this view. He considered them as 
tools in furthering a monarchial system of government. 
— Irving'* s Washington, Vol. 5, p. 84. 



Against the insidious rules of foreign influence, believe 
me the jealousy of a free people ought to be awake since 
history and experience prove, that foreign influence is 
one of the most baneful foes of Republican government. 
— Washington's Farewell Address. — Irving^ s Washing- 
ion, Vol. 5, p. 372. 






AM 






a 



\ 






-Vc _ 



UBBARY OF CONGRESS 




011 529 666 8 



